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Prosecutor V. Jean-Paul Akayesu, ICTR (1998)

Context & Jurisdiction:

During the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda civilians were targeted in mass killings and systematic sexual violence. In response, the United Nations Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) to prosecute those most responsible. Jean-Paul Akayesu, as mayor of Taba commune, stood trial before the ICTR.

Case Summary:

In September 1998, the ICTR found Akayesu guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity, determining that he had instigated and allowed the rape of Tutsi women in Taba, using sexual violence as part of the genocidal campaign. He was held accountable for inciting and aiding and abetting the atrocities committed under his authority.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

This case marked the first time an international tribunal explicitly recognized rape as a component of genocide and as a crime against humanity. The judgment defined rape broadly as ¡°a physical invasion of a sexual nature committed on a person under circumstances which are coercive¡±. The court held that sexual violence was an ¡°integral¡± part of the process of destruction of the Tutsi ethnic group. It set a precedent by affirming that mass rape can be an act of genocide when perpetrated with intent to destroy a group.

Sexual violence was a step in the process of destruction of the Tutsi group ¨C destruction of the spirit, of the will to live, and of life itself.¡±

- ICTR Trial Chamber I, Akayesu Judgment 2 September 1998

Photos | ICTR

Photo | Screenshot from "The Uncondemned"

Auto 092/2008 and subsequent decisions (like Auto 009/2015) effectively created a state obligation to address and prevent conflict-related sexual violence, influencing Colombia¡¯s later transitional justice system.

Advancing Justice For CRSV Before National Constitutional Courts Colombia¡¯s Constitutional Court Advances The Fight Against Impunity For CRSV (2008)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Even absent war-crimes tribunals, domestic constitutional courts have played pivotal roles in addressing conflict-related sexual violence by defining state obligations to prevent and remedy these crimes. In Colombia, decades of internal armed conflict saw sexual violence (especially against displaced women) become rampant and largely unacknowledged.

Impact And Significance:

In 2008 the Constitutional Court of Colombia issued Auto 092 ¨C a seminal ruling addressing the plight of displaced women. The Court recognized that conflict-related sexual violence was systematic and invisible, and it directed the government to prioritize investigations of 183 specific cases of sexual violence by armed actors. The Court¡¯s language was forceful: it stated that ¡°sexual violence against women is a habitual, extensive, systematic and invisible practice in the Colombian armed conflict.¡± This represented a groundbreaking acknowledgement at the highest judicial level that sexual violence was not random or private, but a structural tactic of war in Colombia. The Court mandated protective measures, better access to justice for women, and integration of sexual violence issues in peace talks and reparation programs.

High Risk Tribunal, Guatemala, and Sepur Zarco (2016)

Context & Jurisdiction:

During Guatemala¡¯s 36-year internal armed conflict, indigenous Maya Q¡¯eqchi¡¯ communities were targeted by the army. In the early 1980s, at a military outpost called Sepur Zarco, soldiers enslaved and systematically raped indigenous women after murdering or ¡°disappearing¡± their husbands. Decades later, Guatemala¡¯s national judiciary¡ªthrough a High Risk Tribunal¡ªtook up the case, demonstrating the growing willingness of domestic courts to address conflict-related sexual violence.

Case Summary:

In February 2016, two former military officers, Lieutenant Esteelmer Reyes and civilian patrolman Heriberto Valdez, were convicted of crimes against humanity for sexual violence, sexual slavery, and domestic slavery at Sepur Zarco. The court found that, in 1982¨C83, soldiers forced Q¡¯eqchi¡¯ women to report to the base every three days, where they were raped, tortured, and made to cook and clean for the troops. Many of these women¡¯s husbands had been killed or taken by the army in a land dispute. Reyes and Valdez were sentenced to a cumulative 360 years in prison (120 years for Reyes, 240 for Valdez, reflecting additional killings), and the court ordered reparations including land restitution and memorials.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The Sepur Zarco case was historic: it was the first time Guatemala or any national court convicted former military officers for wartime sexual slavery. The tribunal explicitly recognized that the rapes and enslavement at Sepur Zarco were not isolated incidents but part of a deliberate strategy of war. Judge Yassmin Barrios, in her sentencing, affirmed that sexual violence was used as a weapon to destroy the women and their communities, declaring that ¡°the desecration of the bodies of the women also constituted a desecration of the community...turning the women into objects of war¡±. This powerful acknowledgement by a domestic court in Guatemala was a watershed for survivors. It set a precedent for other countries, showing that national courts can prosecute sexual slavery as an international crime and deliver long-overdue justice to survivor

The desecration of the bodies of the women also constituted a desecration of the community. It turned the women into objects of war, to achieve the annihilation of those considered their enemy.¡±

- Mujeres Transformando el Mundo, in Al Jazeera, 3 March 2016

High Risk Tribunal, Guatemala, and Maya Achi Women (2022 & 2025)

Context & Jurisdiction:

During the early 1980s, at the height of Guatemala¡¯s civil war, Maya Achi communities in Rabinal (Baja Verapaz) endured widespread massacres, forced displacement, and systematic sexual violence carried out by the army and affiliated Civil Self-Defense Patrols

Case Summary:

In 2022, a Guatemalan court convicted five former paramilitaries of crimes against humanity for the rape and sexual enslavement of 36 Maya Achi women; in a second trial in 2025, three more ex-patrol members received 40-year sentences for rapes committed between 1981 and 1983, with the court recognizing the women¡¯s testimony and ordering reparations.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

These rulings confirmed that sexual violence and domestic slavery against Indigenous women during the conflict were systematic, weaponized practices, and they consolidated Sepur Zarco¡¯s precedent by extending accountability beyond military officers to local paramilitary structures, reinforcing the notion of sexual violence as an atrocity crime requiring structural reparations.

Photos | Verdad y Justicia

East Timor, Special Panels (2000¨C2005)

Context & Jurisdiction:

In the 1999 vote, voters rejected special autonomy, which paved the way for Timor-Leste¡¯s independence. After this vote, military forces were accused of carrying out widespread atrocities. Civilians were murdered, and many women were raped or enslaved amid the violence. In response, the UN administration in East Timor (UNTAET) established Special Panels with international and East Timorese judges (2000¨C2005) to prosecute serious crimes. This hybrid tribunal in Dili had jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, including sexual offenses.

Case Summary:

In one landmark case of the Special Panels (the ¡°Lolotoe¡± trial), militia commander Jos¨¦ Cardoso was convicted of crimes against humanity for murder, torture, and rape committed against the population. Cardoso and others were convicted of abducting and sexually enslaving Timorese women suspected of supporting independence. In 2003, Cardoso was sentenced to 12 years¡¯ imprisonment.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The Special Panels broke ground as the first court in Asia to prosecute conflict related sexual violence as crimes against humanity. They applied definitions later used by the International Criminal Court, recognizing rape, sexual slavery, and other gender-based crimes under customary international law. These trials signaled that even years after conflict, perpetrators of sexual violence could be brought to justice in domestic-hybrid courts. They also helped build Timor-Leste¡¯s capacity to address such crimes locally, setting a precedent for post-conflict justice in the region.

I want them to face justice and stay in jail¡­ the money cannot buy my dignity as a woman."

- Maria do Rego, East Timorese survivor of 1999 sexual violence, on the need for accountability (Reuters, 2008)

The dissenting opinion of International Judge Benfeito Mosso Ramos focuses on the definition of rape under Indonesian law, which he challenges for being incompatible with internationally recognized human rights standards, particularly the CEDAW Convention. He notes that Article 285 of the Indonesian Penal Code, cited in the judgment, criminalizes forced sexual intercourse with a woman who is not the perpetrator¡¯s wife, thus excluding marital rape. This omission violates CEDAW and Article 17 of Timor-Leste¡¯s Constitution. Ramos concludes that Indonesian law applies in Timor-Leste only if it aligns with international human rights standards; therefore, Article 285, insofar as it permits marital rape, cannot be enforced. In light of recent debates between the government and civil society in Timor-Leste, this dissenting view appears ahead of its time.¡±

- Dr. Yann Franc De Ferri¨¨re

Photos | Yann Franc De Ferri¨¨re

Prosecutor V. Brima, Kamara & Kanu, SCSL (2007)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Sierra Leone¡¯s 1991¨C2002 civil war was marked by extreme brutality, including widespread sexual violence by rebel groups. The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) was established by the UN and Sierra Leone as a hybrid tribunal combining international and national law, judges, and prosecutors to try those bearing greatest responsibility for war crimes. This case involved three leaders of the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) junta, which had allied with the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels and terrorized civilians.

Case Summary:

In June 2007, SCSL Trial Chamber II convicted Alex Tamba Brima, Brima Bazzy Kamara, and Santigie Borbor Kanu of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including rape and outrages upon personal dignity. The AFRC commanders had led campaigns of terror, including the abduction of women and girls as ¡°wives¡± for fighters. In its February 2008 judgment, the SCSL Appeals Chamber confirmed these convictions.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The AFRC appeal judgment was groundbreaking in international jurisprudence. It affirmed that forced marriage in this case the coercion of women and girls into ¡°conjugal¡± relations - is not subsumed by the crime of sexual slavery; it is a separate crime characterized by a forced relationship of exclusive domesticity and social stigma. The Appeals Chamber defined forced marriage in the context of the Sierra Leone conflict as compelling someone ¡°by force or threat... to serve as a conjugal partner, resulting in severe suffering¡±. This precedent has since influenced how courts address situations where rape is combined with the imposition of a marital status. The case also reinforced that rape in armed conflict is equivalent to torture and is subject to command responsibility. The Appeals Chamber went a step further: it legally recognized forced marriage as a distinct crime against humanity (as an ¡°other inhumane act¡±), the first time any court did so. All three defendants received lengthy prison sentences, underscoring that even top commanders would answer for sexual violence.

Forced marriage [is] a situation in which the perpetrator¡­ compels a person by force, threat of force, or coercion to serve as a conjugal partner, resulting in severe suffering, or physical, mental or psychological injury to the victim.¡±

- SCSL Appeals Chamber, AFRC Case (Forced Marriage definition, 2008)

Photos | SCSL

Advancing Justice For CRSV Before The Inter-American Court Of Human Rights: Progress In The Regional Context - Fern¨¢ndez Ortega Et Al. (2010) And Rosendo Cant¨² Et Al. (2010)

Context & Jurisdiction:

In the early 2000¡¯s, in Mexico¡¯s Guerrero state, Indigenous Me¡¯phaa communities were heavily militarized under counter-insurgency operations, with widespread allegations of abuses by soldiers against Indigenous women.

• In¨¦s Fern¨¢ndez Ortega, an Indigenous Me¡¯phaa woman, was raped and tortured by soldiers in 2002.
• Valentina Rosendo Cant¨², 17-year-old Indigenous Me¡¯phaa girl was raped and tortured by soldiers in 2002

Impact and significance:

In Fern¨¢ndez Ortega and Rosendo Cant¨², the Court reaffirmed that rape committed by members of the armed forces constitutes torture and clarified States¡¯ obligations to investigate sexual violence with due diligence, applying gender-sensitive, intercultural, and¡ªin the case of Rosendo Cant¨²¡ªchild-rights standards. While Fern¨¢ndez Ortega advanced an intersectional analysis addressing discrimination against Indigenous women and barriers to access to justice, Rosendo Cant¨² reinforced heightened protection obligations where the victim is a minor.

At the individual level, Mexico implemented key reparative measures for the victims and their families in both cases, including compensation, medical and psychological care, educational support, translation and dissemination of the judgments, and public acknowledgment of responsibility. Proceedings were transferred from military to civilian jurisdiction, in compliance with the Court¡¯s orders, marking a significant step toward ensuring independent and impartial investigation of human rights violations.

At the structural level, these cases collectively contributed to advancing limitations on military jurisdiction over human rights violations against civilians, strengthening investigative standards for sexual violence, and promoting intercultural and child-sensitive safeguards.

These cases have had an enduring influence on regional accountability standards for conflict-related sexual violence attributed to members of armed forces.

Advancing Justice For CRSV Before The Inter-American Court Of Human Rights: Progress In The Regional Context - El Mozote (2012)

Context & Jurisdiction:

In December 1981, during El Salvador¡¯s civil war, the Atlacatl Battalion carried out massacres in El Mozote and surrounding hamlets, killing nearly a thousand civilians¡ªmostly rural peasants, many of them women and children¡ªas part of counter-insurgency operations.

Impact and significance:

The Court held that the El Mozote massacres which occurred in the context of a non-international armed conflict, in El Salvador, constituted grave violations of the rights to life, personal integrity, and liberty. Importantly, it ruled that sexual violence perpetrated by members of the armed forces formed part of the massacre strategy and constituted torture. The judgment also consolidated the principle that amnesty laws cannot bar investigation and prosecution of serious human rights violations and war crimes.

At the individual and community level, the Court ordered comprehensive reparations, including renewed criminal investigations, exhumation and identification of remains, psychosocial and medical care, educational support, public acknowledgment of responsibility, memorialization measures, and community development initiatives. El Salvador implemented key reparative actions including public acts of recognition, establishment of memory initiatives, and reopening of domestic investigations following the 2016 constitutional annulment of the Amnesty Law.

At the structural level, the judgment had significant constitutional and institutional consequences. It reinforced the incompatibility of ¡°blanket amnesty¡± laws with the American Convention, contributing to the eventual invalidation of the Amnesty Law at national level. It strengthened the obligation to investigate grave violations irrespective of temporal distance, clarified that statutes of limitation cannot apply to war crimes and crimes against humanity, and advanced the integration of international humanitarian law into Inter-American human rights jurisprudence.

Hiss¨¨ne Habr¨¦, Extraordinary African Chambers, Senegal (2016)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Hiss¨¨ne Habr¨¦, former president of Chad (1982¨C1990), presided over a regime of state terror. His notorious secret police (DDS) committed torture, mass killings, and sexual violence against political detainees and marginalized ethnic groups. After Habr¨¦¡¯s overthrow, victims fought for decades to bring him to justice. In a groundbreaking example of African international justice, the African Union and Senegal established the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC) within Senegal¡¯s court system to try Habr¨¦ for international crimes.

Case Summary:

On May 30, 2016, the EAC convicted Hiss¨¨ne Habr¨¦ of crimes against humanity, including rape and sexual slavery, war crimes, and torture. Witnesses bravely recounted in court how they were sent to military camps in the desert to serve as slaves for soldiers and how women in detention were raped by Habr¨¦¡¯s agents. One survivor, Khadidja Zidane, testified that Habr¨¦ himself had raped her¨C making him the first former head of state ever personally convicted of rape in a court of law at the Trial level. The trial established that Habr¨¦¡¯s regime used sexual violence (such as forced nudity, rape, and sexual slavery of female prisoners) as methods of torture and persecution. Habr¨¦ was sentenced to life imprisonment, and an appeals court upheld the verdict, also awarding reparations to victims. Though convicted on first instance for the direct commission of the rape of Khadija Hassan Zidane, Habr¨¦ was acquited on appeal because the charge had not been included in the original indictment. However, the court emphasized that the credibility of Khadija Hassan Zidane was not in question.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The Habr¨¦ case was hailed as a victory for survivors and a milestone for African justice. It demonstrated that even the most powerful can be held accountable: an African court, operating under universal jurisdiction, prosecuted a former head of state for sexual crimes. The judgment explicitly recognized sexual violence was used as an instrument of political repression by Habr¨¦ in Chad, not merely incidental abuse. It has been described as ¡°a huge brick in the wall¡± of establishing sexual violence as an international crime. This case set a precedent for future universal jurisdiction cases and gave hope to victims worldwide that time and power do not shield perpetrators. This case showed that when political will exists, states can cooperate to end impunity for even entrenched, high-level offenders.

Khadidja Hassan Zidane, who was raped by Hiss¨¨ne Habr¨¦, holds a picture of herself testifying at Habr¨¦¡¯s trial N¡¯Djam¨¦na, 2016. Photo | Aida Grovestins

Ginette Ngarbaye, who was raped in Hiss¨¨ne Habr¨¦¡¯s prisons, celebrating his conviction, N¡¯Djam¨¦na, 2016. Photo | Aida Grovestins

This case sets a new benchmark for efforts to end impunity in Africa... and the first time a former African leader has been prosecuted for crimes under international law before a court in another African country.¡±

- Amnesty International, 2016

Khmer Rouge Tribunal, Cambodia (2018)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia (1975¨C1979), widespread atrocities were committed, including forced marriages arranged by the state and ensuing sexual violence. For decades, these crimes went unaddressed. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), a hybrid tribunal composed of both Cambodian and international judges, prosecutors, and staff, was established to try senior Khmer Rouge leaders. In 2018, the ECCC¡¯s Trial Chamber delivered a landmark judgment in Case 002/02 against Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan, the regime¡¯s top surviving leaders.

Case Summary:

In November 2018, Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan were convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity, which ¨C for the first time ¨C included convictions for the regime¡¯s policy of forced marriage and the rape that occurred within those forced marriages. The court found that the Khmer Rouge had compelled thousands of young people into state-mandated marriages and ordered them to consummate those unions under threat of death. Couples who refused were closely monitored, re-educated, or even executed. The judgment detailed how women and men were victimized by this policy, stripping them of autonomy over intimate life. Both defendants were sentenced to life imprisonment (adding to prior life sentences).

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The ECCC¡¯s findings broke the silence on sexual crimes under the Khmer Rouge. It found that forced marriage and rape within a forced marriage constitute crimes against humanity of inhumane acts. By acknowledging the systematic nature of forced marriage within a ¡°widespread climate of fear¡± that did not amount in most cases to genuine consent, the tribunal provided long-awaited validation to survivors.¡± Notably, on appeal, the Appeals Chamber overturned the Trial Chamber and entered an additional conviction with regards to the male victims (in addition to female victims) of rape in forced marriage

Both men and women felt compelled to have sexual intercourse with their new spouse. Couples who were found to have not had sexual intercourse were re-educated or threatened with being killed or receiving punishment.¡±

- ECCC Trial Chamber, Case 002/02 Judgment (2018)

Photos | Khmer Rouge Tribunal

Prosecutor v. Bosco Ntaganda, International Criminal Court (ICC) (2019)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Bosco Ntaganda served as Deputy Chief of Staff and operations commander for the Union of Congolese Patriots (UCP)/Patriotic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (PFLC) during the Ituri conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 2002¨C2003. The UCP/PFLC forces under his command committed massacres, recruitment of child soldiers, and rampant sexual violence both against the enemy Lendu community and within their own ranks. The DRC Government referred the situation to the ICC in 2004, and the Prosecutor opened an investigation. Ntaganda surrendered to the Court in 2013 after years as fugitive.

Case Summary:

In July 2019, the ICC found Ntaganda guilty beyond reasonable doubt of 18 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Importantly, these convictions included multiple sexual violence charges: rape and sexual slavery against members of the Lendu civilian population and against child soldiers within Ntaganda¡¯s own forces. The judges concluded that Ntaganda was criminally responsible for rape used as a weapon to terrorize communities and for the rape and sexual slavery of child soldiers within his own forces. In a first for the ICC, the verdict held that such intra-force abuses are war crimes ¨C meaning a commander can be prosecuted for raping or enslaving members of his own armed group. Ntaganda was later sentenced to 30 years in prison, the heaviest ICC sentence to date.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The Ntaganda case is a landmark for broadening accountability for sexual violence. It reinforced that no one is outside the protection of the law in armed conflict ¨C even one¡¯s ¡°own¡± troops are protected from rape and enslavement by their commanders. Ntaganda was the first person to be convicted of sexual slavery by the ICC. The verdict has been celebrated as an important measure of justice for victims and as a strong message of deterrence. By addressing sexual crimes against child soldiers, it also advanced the legal understanding of gender-based crimes and the protection of children in war. The case demonstrates the ICC¡¯s commitment to pursuing complex sexual violence charges and sets a precedent for future prosecutions regarding armed groups that perpetrate sexual abuse internally.

Photos | ICC

The long-awaited judgment provides an important measure of justice for Bosco Ntaganda¡¯s victims and puts others responsible for grave crimes on notice.¡±

- Maria Elena Vignoli, Human Rights Watch (2019)

Prosecutor V. Dominic Ongwen, ICC (2021)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Dominic Ongwen was a notorious commander of the Lord¡¯s Resistance Army (LRA), a rebel group that terrorized northern Uganda and neighboring regions from the late 1980s through the mid-2000s. The LRA became infamous for abducting children ¨C boys forced into child soldiering and girls forced into sexual slavery and ¡°forced marriage¡± to LRA fighters. As a former abductee-turned-commander, Ongwen was both victim and perpetrator. The ICC, which had issued warrants for top LRA leaders, eventually put Ongwen on trial after he surrendered in 2015.

Case Summary:

In February 2021, the ICC convicted Dominic Ongwen on 61 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Notably, 19 of those counts were for sexual and gender-based crimes ¨C the most SGBV counts in any ICC case thus far. Ongwen was found guilty of rape, sexual slavery, forced marriage, forced pregnancy, and torture, among other crimes. Evidence showed that Ongwen had personally ¡°married¡± multiple abducted girls; the court heard harrowing testimony of women who were enslaved as his so-called wives, enduring rape, forced childbearing, and brutal living conditions. This trial was the first time ever that an international prosecutor charged forced pregnancy as a standalone crime, and the ICC secured a conviction for it. Ongwen was later sentenced to 25 years in prison.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

Ongwen¡¯s conviction is widely hailed as a milestone for international justice in addressing sexual violence. It broke new ground by affirming forced pregnancy ¨C making women carry pregnancies resulting from rape ¨C as a war crime and crime against humanity, thereby expanding jurisprudence on reproductive violence. The judgment also solidified the understanding of forced marriage as an international crime, echoing earlier precedents but on a larger scale at the ICC. The court¡¯s findings acknowledged the profound and long-lasting harm such crimes inflict: survivors suffered stigma, trauma, and difficulties reintegrating into society. Importantly, this case demonstrated the ICC¡¯s increased capacity to handle complex gender-based crimes even when the accused presented a unique profile (Ongwen¡¯s defense highlighted his own victimhood as a child soldier). The verdict underscored that victimhood does not excuse victimizing others. For survivors of the LRA¡¯s sexual violence, many of whom had waited over a decade for justice, the Ongwen judgment was validating. It also serves as a deterrent message in ongoing conflicts: practices like forced marriage and forced pregnancy are egregious crimes, and commanders ordering or tolerating them will be held accountable.

This conviction is an important milestone in the long quest for justice and recognition for survivors of sexual and gender-based crimes in war.¡±

- Human Rights Watch commentary on the Ongwen Judgment (2021)

Photos | ICC/CPI

Higher Regional Court - Koblenz, Germany (2022)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Following the Syrian uprising of 2011, former President Bashar al-Assad¡¯s security forces engaged in systematic torture, murder, and sexual violence against detainees in secret prisons. In order to address crimes in the Syrian conflict, some countries have invoked universal jurisdiction to pursue justice. The Higher Regional Court became the first to hold a trial addressing state-sponsored torture in Syria, putting on trial Anwar Raslan, a former Syrian intelligence colonel, and Eyad al-Gharib, a junior officer, for crimes committed at Damascus¡¯s notorious al-Khatib (Branch 251) prison.

Case Summary:

On January 13, 2022, the Higher Regional Court in Koblenz convicted Anwar Raslan of crimes against humanity for overseeing the torture of over 4,000 prisoners, including at least 27 murders and multiple cases of sexual violence (rape and serious sexual assault). Raslan was sentenced to life imprisonment. Earlier, in 2021, Eyad al-Gharib was convicted of aiding and abetting these crimes (receiving a 4.5-year sentence). The trial heard evidence from dozens of Syrian survivors, men and women, who described electric shocks, beatings, rape, and sexual humiliation inflicted in custody as part of Assad¡¯s machinery of repression. This was the first-ever trial addressing Syria¡¯s state torture network, and it explicitly acknowledged sexual violence¡ªsuch as rape of detainees and forced nudity¡ªas an integral component of the crimes.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The Koblenz trial has been lauded as a ¡°landmark leap forward¡± for accountability. It demonstrated the ability of national courts to fill the impunity gap for atrocities in Syria, including sexual crimes that survivors feared would never be punished. The judgment treated rape and sexual assault by state agents not as isolated abuse but as part of a systematic attack on civilians (thus qualifying as crimes against humanity). Importantly, the court recognized the gendered dimensions of torture ¡ª how former Syrian officials used sexualized violence to degrade and terrorize. The involvement of survivor testimonies (with protective measures for victims of sexual violence) also set precedents in witness protection in such trials. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and others hailed the verdict, noting it as a clear example that even in the absence of an international tribunal, domestic courts can prosecute sexual violence in conflict. The Koblenz trial has inspired similar proceedings and gives hope to Syrian survivors that they will have justice for sexual violence at home and abroad.

This is a landmark leap forward in pursuing justice for the serious human rights violations perpetrated in Syria... a clear example of how national courts can and should fill accountability gaps for such crimes wherever they were committed.¡±

¨C Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (2022)

Photos | ECCHR

Illustrations | Moner Alkadri (Human Rights Watch 2021)

Advancing Justice For CRSV Before The Inter-American Court Of Human Rights: Progress In The Regional Context, Bedoya Lima (2021)

Context & Jurisdiction:

During Colombia¡¯s armed conflict, journalists, especially women reporting on paramilitary and state abuses, faced systematic threats, censorship, and violence. Jineth Bedoya, an investigative journalist, repeatedly exposed links between armed groups and state actors, becoming a target amid escalating hostilities and entrenched patterns of conflict-related sexual violence.

Impact And Significance:

The Court recognized that sexual violence committed against a journalist in retaliation for her investigative reporting constituted torture and a violation of freedom of expression, establishing that rape can function as a tool to silence, intimidate, and censor women in public life. The judgment clarified that States have heightened obligations to prevent, investigate, and punish gender-based attacks targeting journalists, incorporating a gender-sensitive approach under both the American Convention and the Bel¨¦m do Par¨¢ Convention.

At the individual level, Colombia implemented key reparative measures including compensation and psychosocial care for the victim, and a public acknowledgment of responsibility.

At the structural level, the ruling had significant impact on protections for journalists. It strengthened state¡¯s obligation to adopt gender-sensitive investigative standards and implement measures to prevent violence against members of the press, reinforcing regional standards linking conflict-related sexual violence, gender discrimination, and freedom of expression.

Photo | OSRSG/SVC

Yazidi Enslavement Cases, Higher Regional Court - Frankfurt Am Main, Germany (2021¨C2022)

Context & Jurisdiction:

In 2014, the Islamic State (ISIS) launched a genocidal attack against the Yazidi minority in northern Iraq, marked by mass killings and the kidnapping of thousands of Yazidi women and children for sexual slavery. As the ISIS ¡°caliphate¡± fell, some perpetrators traveled or returned to countries in Europe. Germany, using universal jurisdiction laws and a proactive prosecutorial approach, became the first country to prosecute ISIS members for the genocide and enslavement of Yazidis.

Case Summary:

In November 2021, a Frankfurt Higher Regional Court convicted Iraqi national Taha Al-Jumailly of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes ¨C including the enslavement, rape, and abuse of a Yazidi woman and her 5-year-old daughter, who tragically died under captivity. He was sentenced to life in prison. This was the world¡¯s first conviction of an ISIS member for genocide against Yazidis. Earlier that year and in 2022, German courts also convicted several female ISIS returnees for participating in the enslavement of Yazidi girls. Notably, in October 2021, a Munich court convicted ¡°Jennifer W.¡±, a German ISIS member, for war crimes and murder after she allowed a Yazidi toddler (whom she and her husband kept as a slave) to die of thirst. In 2022, another German woman (identified as ¡°Nadine K.¡±) was convicted in Hamburg for aiding and abetting genocide by keeping a Yazidi woman as a slave. These cases were led by evidence from Yazidi survivors, some of whom acted as co-plaintiffs with support from activists like Nobel laureate Nadia Murad and human rights lawyers.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

These prosecutions are landmark in multiple ways: They mark the first time courts have adjudicated sexual violence as an act of genocide against the Yazidis and have recognized that ISIS¡¯s organized system of sexual slavery was carried out with the intent to destroy the Yazidi community. The convictions for rape and sexual enslavement under both German and international law in these trials have shown the viability of universal jurisdiction for addressing sexual crimes. Survivors who testified saw their tormentors face justice far from the crime scene, underscoring a growing global consensus that geography should not shield perpetrators. These cases also established important jurisprudence on the responsibility of not only direct abusers but also accomplices (such as ISIS wives who facilitated slavery). The outcome has been celebrated by Yazidi advocates as finally hearing a court declare ISIS¡¯s crimes for the most serious breaches of international law. Germany¡¯s model is now encouraging other nations to pursue justice for sexual violence in conflicts where international tribunals lack jurisdiction.

This verdict is a win for survivors of genocide, survivors of sexual violence, and the entire Yazidi community... [The] use of universal jurisdiction in this case can and should be replicated by governments around the world.¡±

- Nadia Murad, Yazidi survivor and UN Goodwill Ambassador (2021)

Photos | ECCHR

Prosecutor V. Kavumu Group, Democratic Republic Of The Congo (2017)

Context & Jurisdiction:

In the Democratic Republic of Congo¡¯s protracted conflicts, sexual violence has been rampant. In the province of South Kivu, the village of Kavumu experienced a particularly horrific series of crimes (2013¨C2016): dozens of very young girls (toddlers and children) were abducted at night, raped, and mutilated. A local militia led by provincial lawmaker Fr¨¦d¨¦ric ¡°Colonel¡± Batumike believed that raping infant girls would make fighters invincible. The DRC authorities, with support from international partners, convened a mobile Military Court in Kavumu to try these crimes under national law.

Case Summary:

In December 2017, a military tribunal in Bukavu convicted Batumike and 10 members of his militia of crimes against humanity for the systematic rape and murder of 37 young children in Kavumu. The court found that over a three-year period, the group abducted girls (some as young as 18 months old) from their homes, sexually assaulted them, and in some cases, killed them ¨C all as part of a deliberate campaign of terror. Batumike was a sitting provincial parliamentarian at the time of his arrest; his conviction marked the first time a DRC official of such rank was held accountable for conflict-related sexual violence. All 11 perpetrators were sentenced to life imprisonment.

Sexual Violence Charges & Legal Impact:

The Kavumu trial was hailed as a breakthrough in the fight against impunity. It demonstrated the ability of the courts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to prosecute complex CRSV cases domestically. Importantly, the judgment recognized the use of rape as a tactic to cow communities and ¡°mystically¡± empower fighters, thus treating these rapes as acts of war rather than ordinary crimes. The case also set standards for child victim protection during trial ¨C proceedings were conducted with sensitivity to the very young survivors. International observers praised the verdict as a model of complementarity (national justice fulfilling the role of international courts) and a sign that no one, not even powerful officials, is above the law. The trial¡¯s success was attributed to collaboration between Congolese authorities and international legal experts, and it underscored the value of universal jurisdiction principles being applied at home.

Judgment (FR)

Photos | Physicians for Human Rights

This unprecedented trial is a major landmark in the fight against impunity for sexual violence¡­ With this decision, the [Congolese] justice system has sent a clear signal that no one is above the law, whatever their rank.¡±

- Maman Sidikou, UN Special Representative in DRC (2017)

Justice for CRSV Before National Constitutional Courts - The Constitutional Court of Kenya Advances the Fight Against Impunity for CRSV

Context & Jurisdiction:

After Kenya¡¯s 2007 post-election violence, which was marked by politically-instigated rapes, a group of survivors sought justice and redress by competent authorities. In a historic High Court (constitutional division) judgment on December 10, 2020, the court ruled that there had been a failure to investigate or prosecute post-election sexual violence and to provide redress. The Court awarded compensation of 4 million Kenya shillings (¡ÖUSD 35,000) each to four of the petitioners. This marked the first official recognition of post-election sexual violence for survivors. The judgment affirmed the state¡¯s duty under both national and international law to protect citizens (rights to life, security, freedom from torture) from sexual violence and to diligently investigate such crimes. Although not all survivors in the case were compensated, as the court required more proof in some instances, the ruling was lauded as a major victory for accountability in Kenya¡¯s domestic courts.

Impact and significance:

Like in Colombia, in 2008, in Kenya 12 years later, the State¡¯s constitutional court intervention underscores that sexual violence in conflict is a question of fundamental rights.

In Kenya, the High Court¡¯s decision, coming after years of advocacy, set a precedent for survivors and reaffirmed the State¡¯s obligation to address sexual violence crimes. This case represents a positive example of judicial recognition of survivors¡¯ rights and experiences. As a landmark ruling, by a constitutional court, it signals that redress for conflict-related sexual violence can be found, not only in criminal tribunals, but before the highest national courts, upholding victims¡¯ rights.

This is a historic day for survivors... The court¡¯s decision will reverberate widely for the prevention, investigation and prosecution of sexual and gender-based violence in Kenya and around the world.¡±

- Physicians for Human Rights (2020)

Special Criminal Court, Central African Republic (2022)

Context & Jurisdiction:

Since 2003, the Central African Republic (CAR) has been gripped by cycles of armed conflict, with atrocities committed by multiple militias. Rampant sexual violence ¨C including rape used to terrorize communities ¨C has characterized these conflicts. In 2015, with UN support, CAR established the Special Criminal Court (SCC), a hybrid tribunal with national and international judges and a mandate to prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity committed on CAR soil.

Case Summary:

In its inaugural trial, Prosecutor v. Issa Sallet Adoum, Ousman Yaouba, and Tahir Mahamat (all members of the 3R militia), the SCC tried atrocities from a May 2019 attack on villages in northwestern CAR. In October 2022, the SCC delivered its first verdict: Adoum was convicted of crimes against humanity (murder, inhumane acts) and as a commander responsible for rapes committed by his subordinates, and two co-defendants were convicted of murder and degrading treatment. The militia attack, which killed 46 villagers, included the rape of several women ¨C facts explicitly noted in the judgment. Adoum, identified as the ¡°military chief¡± who had authority over the perpetrators, was sentenced to life imprisonment, while the others received 20-year terms.

Impact and significance:

The SCC¡¯s first judgment is a milestone for CAR¡¯s justice sector. It established a precedent of holding commanders accountable for sexual violence committed by their fighters, reflecting the doctrine of superior responsibility in a national court setting. By acknowledging the rapes (six women were raped during the massacre) and convicting Adoum for those acts, the court signaled that sexual violence is integral to the gravest crimes, not a side issue. The SCC¡¯s success also illustrates the value of hybrid courts in contexts where international crimes might otherwise go unpunished. Human rights observers lauded the verdict as a ¡°triumph of justice¡± and a ¡°strong signal¡­ against impunity¡± by the national authorities. It provides hope that other perpetrators of CAR¡¯s long-running sexual violence epidemic ¨C regardless of affiliation ¨C can face justice either at the SCC or beyond. The decision further underlines the importance of victim participation: local victims celebrated the ruling because it recognized their suffering and delivered a measure of accountability.

The verdict is a milestone for the victims and communities that have been terrorised during the country¡¯s conflicts.¡±

- Elise Keppler, Human Rights Watch (2022)

Looking Ahead Dixinn Criminal Court Guinea - Verdict On The 28 September 2009 Events

Context & Jurisdiction:

In July 2024, a landmark trial concluded in Guinea¡¯s domestic courts regarding the massacre and mass rape at the Conakry stadium in 2009, in which at least 156 persons were killed or disappeared and at least 109 women and girls were subjected to rape and other sexual violence, as per the findings of the United Nations International Commission of Inquiry. On 31 July 2024, the Criminal Court of Dixinn convicted former President Moussa Dadis Camara and 7 other defendants for crimes against humanity, including sexual violence, and awarded reparations to the victims. The appeal remains pending and subsequent trials also commenced against six additional defendants in December 2025, including for sexual violence. The road ahead remains long but after sixteen years, survivors, victims and their families are pursuing historic steps for justice in Guinea with global ramifications.

Impact And Significance:

The delivery of the first?instance verdict marks a significant milestone in the pursuit of justice for survivors of sexual violence and ensuring accountability for perpetrators, including the highest-ranking figures of government such as former heads of states and senior state officials. The direct application of the Rome statute provisions by an African national court is historic. Indeed, the Criminal Court of Dixinn decided to reclassify the facts as international crimes, with the sexual violence perpetrated being judged as a crime against humanity.

International support, including from UN and civil society were key to ensuring justice was pursued and achieved, even 13 years after the facts. Victims and survivors relentless search for justice was central to achieving justice. Their participation in proceedings was essential and formally recognized by the court, which awarded substantial reparations in acknowledgment of the scale of the killings, enforced disappearances, and widespread sexual violence. Although the appeal remains pending and subsequent proceedings are ongoing, this judicial proceeding sends a powerful signal and has resonated beyond Guinea¡¯s borders, serving as a reference point for other countries facing similar challenges.

When the sentence has fallen [...], the tears flowed. [...] And finally, justice was done¡±

¨C Asmaou Diallo, President of AVIPA, 26 September 2024, Film for the 15th anniversary of the Office of the SRSG on Sexual Violence in Conflict

Photo | Team of experts

Context & Jurisdiction:

As global awareness and legal precedent for accountability for conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) have expanded, new investigations and prosecutions are underway. In many of the countries and situations under the purview of the UN Security Council mandate on sexual violence in conflict, survivors continue to demand justice for recent atrocities, including egregious sexual violence. While each context is different, a common challenge persists: translating documentation into effective investigations, and investigations into legal cases capable of holding perpetrators accountable.

In several contexts, legal proceedings are currently ongoing. These include, but are in no way limited to the following:

Ukraine:

Photo | Adobe Stock

Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Ukrainian prosecutors, supported by international experts, have been actively documenting CRSV cases through a dedicated prosecution unit within the Office of the Prosecutor General. Ukraine has also adopted prosecutorial strategies to prioritize CRSV cases and ensure a survivor-centered approach will be used throughout proceedings.

Though challenges remain, efforts are underway through various fora to ensure that individuals responsible for CRSV will face trial impartially with due process of law, and several convictions in domestic courts have already been rendered.

Sudan (Darfur):

UN Photo | Albert Gonzalez Farran

In the early 2000s, Janjaweed militias perpetrated widespread sexual violence, including rape, as part of ethnically targeted attacks in Darfur.

The ICC issued arrest warrants for Sudanese officials, including former President Omar al-Bashir, for genocide and crimes against humanity, including rape. To date, former President Omar al-Bashir¡ªone of the ICC¡¯s principal indictees¡ªremains in Sudanese custody and has not been surrendered to the Court, while other suspects remain at large. In 2025, in a landmark judgment, former Darfur militia leader Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman (¡°Ali Kushayb¡±) was convicted on 27 counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Darfur between 2003 and 2004, including rape as both a war crime and a crime against humanity. The case marked the Court¡¯s first conviction for gender-based persecution. Sexual violence continues to be a prominent and deeply alarming feature of the ongoing conflict in Sudan, with reports of rape, including gang rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual violence of comparable gravity. Investigations by the ICC and other actors remain ongoing, with conflict-related sexual violence a priority line of inquiry. The demand for accountability for CRSV continues.

Myanmar (Rohingya & beyond):

Photo | Nicole Tung

In 2017 the military ¡°clearance¡± operations in Myanmar were characterized by widespread threat and use of sexual violence, with countless Rohingya women and girls gang-raped, often in front of their families. International avenues for justice remain in motion. In 2018, the United Nations Human Rights Council established an Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar to ¡°collect, consolidate, preserve and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes and violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011, and to prepare files in order to facilitate and expedite fair and independent criminal proceedings, in accordance with international law standards, in national, regional or international courts or tribunals that have or may in the future have jurisdiction over these crimes, in accordance with international law.¡±

In 2022, a national court in Argentina, opened a case under universal jurisdiction for crimes against the Rohingya, including rape. Meanwhile, ethnic conflicts within Myanmar have also involved CRSV against other minorities, and Myanmar civil society is collecting survivor testimonies in hope of future trials. Though justice moves slowly, precedent from other cases gives hope that Myanmar¡¯s perpetrators could one day be held to account for sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide.

Colombia: Investigating CRSV as macro cases before the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP)

Context & Jurisdiction:

As a direct result of the 2016 Peace Agreement, Colombia established a comprehensive transitional justice system centered on the Jurisdicci¨®n Especial para la Paz (JEP). Created within the framework of the peace process, the JEP represents a unique model that integrates accountability with truth, reparations, and guarantees of non-recurrence. A distinctive feature of the JEP is its use of ¡°macro-cases¡± to address patterns of violence arising from the scale and systemic nature of the conflict. Rather than focusing solely on isolated incidents, the JEP investigates structures of criminality, chains of command, and discriminatory practices affecting large victim populations. This methodology has enabled jurisdiction to confront crimes that were historically under-investigated, including sexual, reproductive, and gender-based violence. Within this framework, Macro-Cases 07 and 11 represent landmark efforts to address conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) not as incidental conduct, but as an integral component of armed group control, persecution, and repression during the conflict.

Macro case 7 Recruitment and Use of Children in Armed Conflict:

Photo | Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP)

Case Summary:

Opened in 2019, The JEP initiated Macro-Case 07 to investigate the recruitment and use of children by the FARC-EP. The 2024 Auto de Determinaci¨®n de Hechos y Conductas established that recruited children were subjected to systematic sexual violence, forced contraception and forced abortions, restrictions on pregnancy, and persecution of LGBTI adolescents, all enforced through hierarchical command structures. The JEP formally charged former FARC commanders with war crimes and crimes against humanity based on these findings.

Impact and Significance

Macro-Case 07 is among the first transitional justice proceedings globally to establish that sexual and reproductive violence against children, including LGBTI children, formed part of an organized system of armed group control. Despite extensive documentation of sexual violence by all parties to the conflict, these crimes were historically marginalized in investigations and negotiations. Women¡¯s and LGBTI organizations successfully advocated for a dedicated case within the JEP to address this gap. By recognizing these acts as international crimes, the JEP advances jurisprudence on CRSV in the context of child recruitment and armed conflict

Macro-case 11 ¡°Gender-based violence, sexual violence and reproductive violence¡±:

Photo | Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP)

Case Summary:

In September 2023 (Auto SRVR 05 of 2023), the JEP opened Macro-Case 11 on gender-based violence, sexual violence, reproductive violence, and other prejudice-motivated crimes based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Structured into three sub-cases (FARC-EP against civilians, State forces against civilians, and intra-ranks violence), the case is based on a provisional universe of more than 35,000 victims between 1957 and 2016.

Impact and Significance

Macro-Case 11, which is still ongoing, represents the first large-scale transitional justice case globally to center not only on the acts of sexual violence but also on the discriminatory motives and gendered logics underpinning them. It explicitly recognizes women, girls, LGBTI persons, and men as CRSV survivors. The collective accreditation of 104 men as victims of sexual violence further broadens the legal and conceptual understanding of CRSV as a form of gender-based violence affecting diverse populations.

Impact

Past and ongoing prosecutions show how UN Security Council action and international law have helped transform the global response to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). They affirm a clear principle: justice for sexual violence is not secondary to peace; it is essential to it. Around the world, accountability is being pursued through hybrid courts, national jurisdictions applying international law and universal jurisdiction, and international tribunals.

These landmark cases recognize that rape and other forms of sexual violence of comparable gravity are among the gravest crimes. Since the groundbreaking Akayesu judgment, jurisprudence has strengthened legal frameworks and improved the way national, regional and international authorities investigate and prosecute sexual violence in conflict.

In both past and ongoing cases, survivors¡¯ agency, strength and advocacy have driven progress. They have challenged the notion that sexual violence in war is ¡°inevitable collateral damage,¡± insisting instead that it be treated and prosecuted as the serious crime that it is.

Today¡¯s efforts build on these precedents. Each step forward reinforces a global norm: rape, sexual slavery and other forms of conflict-related sexual violence of comparable gravity must not go unpunished. For victims and survivors, this progress sustains hope for justice.

I want you to know that your rights don¡¯t end when wars begin.¡±

¨C Pramila Patten, UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict (2022)